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Our Adamkiewicz line originates from the southeastern portion of Poland, in a province that was once known as Galicia. At the time that they immigrated to America in 1903, however, it was considered a part of Austria. This is because Poland has a long, sad, and complicated political history in which Galicia came out on the bottom almost every time, which probably has a lot to do with why our family immigrated from there to begin with. The surname itself means "son of Adam" and was likely adopted by the line sometime after Poland became Christianized in the 10th century. Certainly, the family held to a very strong Roman Catholic faith, which helped to carry it through many difficult times (Ref 4, p.188).
One of the last strong kings of Poland was Casmir III the Great, who died in 1370 without a clear successor. During this period of uncertainty, the landed nobility (szlachta) and aristocrats (magnates), who were not interested in having their power curtailed by a strong central monarchy, took advantage of the situation to form a Sejm, or parliament. Though unique at the time, the resultant constitutional monarchy was similar to the parliamentary systems that would one day exist throughout Europe, and it helped to secure the political privileges and status that the szlachta and magnates wished to maintain. Following the formation of the Sejm, Poland and Lithuania eventually formed a joint Commonwealth, which became one of the largest and most influential states of Europe during the mid-16th to mid-18th centuries.
One important power that magnates of the Polish-Lithuanian parliament possessed was their right to participate in the election of each new king ("free election" or "wolna elekcja"). Though a kings appointment was "for life", that wasn't always particularly long. In cases where a male son provided a clear successor to the throne, these elections became more of a formality. But on a number of occasions, that was not the case. When this happened, these "free elections" often broke out into civil wars during which two powerful magnates battled it out, genrating a fair amount of ongoing unrest and uncertainty for all involved, and further weakening the crown. Additionally, over time, noble marriages between magnate families with strong ties to other political states began to create many competing interests as to who should occupy the throne. By law, it was not required that the elected king was Polish or Lithuanian, and depending on the balance of European power at the time, the person chosen was sometimes intended as only a vassal king for another protectorate nation, usually Prussia, Russia, or Austria.
Augustus III, King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania in name from 1733 to 1763, though actually strongly influenced by his political ties to the Russian Empress Catherine the Great.The Troelfth Cake, an allegory of the First Partition showing the Polish King Stanislaw August in the process of losing his crown, while his former lover Catherine the Great of Russia, as well as Prussian King Frederick II and Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II of Austria demand their shares of the former nation.
This was actually only the first of 3 separate partitions the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth went through between 1772-1795, as Russia, Austria, and Prussia fought over the ongoing balance of powers. Galicia remained under the Habsburg controlled Austrian Partition for all of them, however, which ultimately sealed its fate. The new state borders of Galicia to the north cut off its Polish inhabitants from most of their previous trade routes, but the Carpathian Mountains to its south cut them off from forming new trade routes within the Austrian Empire as well. This was fine with the Austrians, however, who had decided that rather than investing in Galicia with the transportation and industrialization technologies that were advancing through the rest of Europe, they would instead keep it as a source of cheap, uneducated, manual labor that could supply agricultural products and raw materials to its other Austrian provinces.
The resulting lack of education and economic isolation prevented Galicians from acquiring the agricultural advances they desperately needed as its population continued to grow in the early 1800s. Consequently, peasant land allotments became smaller and smaller, to the point that most were no longer large enough to support a family. The situation created a poverty so profound that it became referred to worldwide as "Galician poverty" ("bieda galicyjska"). Galician peasants were caught in a vicious cycle in which they were so malnourished and diseased that they could work their fields only lethargically and sporadically. This ineffective effort produced an inferior crop as well, however, resulting in continued malnourishment and disease. Under these constraints, the province economy collapsed, and yet the Austrian government continued to impose new taxes on its people, despite any efforts to use such taxes to improve their local cities and towns.
Beginning in the late 1870s, when steam ship travel became more affordable, Galician Polish-Austrians began to emigrate en mass, and more than a quarter of these individuals chose the United States as their final destination. Between 1870-1920, the number of Polish immigrants in America leapt upwards from about 40,000 to 800,000! The industrialization of America's economy was proceeding at rapid pace during this time, requiring a steady influx of cheap, unskilled labor to work in the heavy industries of coal mining, iron, and steel. Most early Polish immigrants were young, single males in their prime working ages of 17-39. Many initially planned to return to their homeland after acquiring enough money to expand their meager farm holdings, and indeed, between a third to a half of them did. But later emigrating Polish-Austrians, such as our Adamkiewiczs, were thwarted by the outbreak of WW1 in 1914, and a strong desire to not be drafted as fodder into the Austrian Hapsburg armies. As Polish communities in America grew, many married and started families in their new land, and their desire to return to the Old World eventually dampened. Land was plentiful in America after all, and it was not until after the end of WW1 that Galician Poland finally regained its sovereignty.
One industry that attracted a number of Austrian-Poles in the early 1900s was work at the coal mines near Pittsburgh, PA. Investors first began exploiting the Pittsburgh coal seam in the 1870s. The depletion of forests in the eastern US was raising the price of wood and charcoal as a source of fuel for heating. Coal, and its processed form coke, became economically viable fuel alternatives, and the Connellsville Coalfield, just 45 min. SE of Pittsburgh, would turn out to be one of the highest quality coal minefields of the entire world. Polish workers were highly desired by heavy industry employers, due to their tendency towards hard work and industriousness (Ref 4, p.186). Given their unfortunate lack of education and job skills, many Poles desired coal work as well, as it paid better than most other forms of unskilled labor, which reduced the time required to make their goal of owning a home possible. Despite the hazards involved, with steady work, food in their stomachs, schools for their children, and a roof over their heads, it probably felt like a bargain to most poverty-stricken Galician Poles (Ref 4, p.184). Likely this is why our Adamkiewiczs' chose to undertake this type of employment upon their arrival in 1903.
Map of the Connellsville Coalfield near Pittsburgh, PA. Whitney and Hostetter, PA are in the northeast edge of this region.In reality though, this was strenuous, dangerous work that took a heavy toll on the body, and for little pay. Though Black lung disease (coal miner's lung) was not well understood until the 1950s, just breathing in the air of these coal towns was a carcinogenic health risk. With few safety laws in place, all manner of workplace accidents, up to and including mass casualties, were also common (Ref 3). Many times, older boys went to help their fathers complete their work after the school day finished, and often started work there themselves as young as age 14. Coal mine operators took advantage of the poor English language skills that many new immigrant workers possessed as a way of keeping them ignorant of their rights and union organizing activities. Even once language skills had improved with time, early unions were also weakened by racism and ethnicism from within. Although 70% of union miners were Slavik, and 99% of them first generation immigrants (Ref 2, p.152), the UMWA union bargaining committee was made up primarily by those of English, German, and Irish descent, only 10% of whom were first generation immigrants. Given the ethnic and racial disparities in worker pay, job position, and housing, many Slavs did not feel that the majority of their concerns were being addressed by those who were supposed to be speaking for them (Note 0).
Nevertheless, as industrialization increased the speed of production, new coal workers were needed in droves (Ref 2, p.151). Unfortunately, in addition to the mine operators desiring workers who would accept low wages and hazardous conditions, they also wanted workers who would be willing to live in the middle of nowhere, disconnected from all major population centers by the mountains with which they would earn their living (Ref 3; Ref 4, p.174). These small, isolated company towns, the remnants of which are still found throughout PA today, were commonly referred to as "coal patches". Then as now, the best place to find workers willing to accept such conditions was to look for potential immigrants from countries where people were even worse off than that. Recruiters then painted rosy pictures of the life of fortune and ease that awaited them across the ocean. Once they had them isolated and resettled on company owned land, however, they informed them that they would only be paid in company script, which could only be used in the company store. This gave them a monopoly over their workers that was used to mark up prices for goods and housing rents, as well as to threaten eviction if union sentiments began to stir.
Our ancestor, Frank Adamkiewicz, was born in Tarnów, Galicia, Austria-Poland in 1881 to Thomas and Mary (Kobala) Adamkiewicz (see Note 1). In 1903, at the age of 23, Frank and his younger brother Joseph crossed the ocean and obtained work at the coal patch town of Whitney, Unity Twp., Westmoreland Co., Pennsylvania. The coal lands it occupied were purchased by David Hostetter in the 1880s and became the site of the Whitney Mine and Coke Works in 1889 (Ref 1, p.84). One year later, the company opened a second mine and coal town called Hostetter a mile and half to the NE. (A third mine, in Baggaley, was purchased in 1903 as well.) The mine works at Whitney contained 302 beehive ovens for processing coal into coke, while the mine works at Hostetter contained another 292. By 1900, both the Whitney Mine & Coal Works and the Hostetter Coke Company employed about 300 persons each (Ref 1, p.87). Like most mines in this region, by 1900 it became owned by the H.C. Frick Coke Company, who helped to found the U.S. Steel Corp. in 1901.
Three years after his arrival, Frank married Maryja ("Mary") Wisniewska, whose family had immigrated to America from Gorlice, Galicia, Poland (about 35 miles south of Tarnów) in 1905. As with many Galician immigrant families, her father, Ignatius, first came to Whitney in 1901 by himself to work in the coal mines. During this time, he would have boarded either at the company boarding house or with another Polish family looking for extra income. Four years later, finally able to afford to rent a family company home, he sent for his wife and children to join him. To combat coal company wage gouging practices, married Slavs with families survived financially by pooling their rent with other unmarried Slavic boarders who could not yet afford housing of their own. These families would sleep together in one bedroom while the boarders took up the additional bedrooms. The boarders were expected to buy their own food and clothing, while the wife and children of the lease holder took on the cooking, cleaning, and laundering tasks the men required (Ref 4, p.179). This was likely the type of living arrangement that Frank subsisted on as well until he married in 1906 (Note 2).
The town of Whitney, PA in 1910. The company store is the large building to the right of the worker row homes.After Frank and Mary married, they began renting a company home in Whitney and supplementing their income with the rents of Slavic boarders. In 1910, they were hosting 6 different male boarders, ranging in age from 25-50, all of whom worked as laborers for the Whitney Coke Co. They were also the new parents of their first 2 children in a family that would eventually expand to 10. Likely the younger of these two children died before her 12th birthday, however (see Note 3). Frank was working as a Coke drawer - someone whose job it was to pull the finished coke product from the hot ovens and load it into rail carts for transportation. The family attended St. Cecilia's Roman Catholic Church in Whitney, where all of their children were baptized, and likely this is where Frank and Mary were married as well.
The Roman Catholic Parish was often the emotional center of the Slavic coal patch town (Ref 5). American Polish enclaves such as these were referred to as "Polonia". Whether in Pennsylvania or Poland, the Catholic parish was seen as a protector of Polish traditions and language in the face of the cultural eraser imposed by Austria/Prussia, as well as by their new American neighbors who expected them to culturally assimilate as soon as possible. In addition to the weddings, baptisms, and funerals that make up any church community, Polanic Roman Catholic parishes also regularly organized dances, picnics, performances, sporting events, and lectures. Knowing how important such religious communities were to the miners they wished to attract, mining companies often helped to raise funds for the construction of church buildings. Such was the case for St. Cecilia's, which was dedicated in 1891. The church was built on the southern slope of a hill between Whitney and Hostetter, which helped to block some of the smoke from the coal plants (Ref 6). The miners informally broke ground for their new church that same year when after a long day of work in the mines, they came up the hill to dig out the new foundation until night fell.
Frank's brother, Joseph, had gotten out of the mining business by 1920, and managed to purchase a farm in Cook, Westmoreland Co., PA. He went by the surname Adamkovich rather than Adamkiewicz (possibly a more phonetic spelling?) He married Catherine Stach, who was also from Poland originally, and had a family of 5 children who all remained in Westmoreland County for the rest of their lives. Frank also had a younger brother George, who had come to America in 1908, but had gone directly to Chicago, rather than Pennsylvania. George married 2 years after his arrival to a Polish woman named Helen, and by 1930 he was part owner in a Polish bakery and grocery called Augusta Bakery, and lived near Humboldt Park. The bakery/grocery was on Ashland Ave. & W. Chestnut St., and it was known for having some of the best rye bread around. When Frank finally threw in the towel and moved the family to Chicago in about 1934, he began working there as well. By this time though, the coal mines had already taken their toll (see Note 5).
When the 1940 census worker came to their door in Chicago on April 8, all but the oldest of Frank and Mary's 9 living children were living under the same roof at 814 N Maplewood Ave in Chicago. Their oldest daughter, Josephine, had actually come to Chicago sometime before 1930 to live with her uncle George, until marrying in late 1930 to Sam Lurie (Note 6). Of the remaining children, 4 were still in school, while the 4 who had already reached adult age were working to help support the family. The third from the youngest child was my paternal grandmother, Cecilia Adamkiewicz, b.1926 (perhaps named after the church back in PA?), age 14 at the time. The next day after the census, April 9, their father Frank died at the age of 59, apparently of the black lung disease (see Note 7). He was laid to rest in St. Adalbert's Catholic Cemetry in Niles, IL four days later.
St. Adalbert's Cemetery was established in 1872. It was originally purchased as a 12-acre plot to serve the needs of some of the Polish and Bohemian parishes of Chicago who could not afford to support a cemetery of their own. It has now expanded to 250-acres and contains the remains of 336,000 individuals as of 2023.After Frank's death, the older children continued helping to support their mother, Mary, while she raised the younger children. Louis managed to pull together enough funds to buy a home, and so the family moved about 5.5 miles north to the Lincoln Square neighborhood (2517 W. Ainslie St.), requiring Cecilia to switched from Tuley to Amundsen High School in her junior year (Note 8). Mary's oldest two boys, Louis and John, both worked at a factory for United Pressed Products, a novelty packaging company that produced designer labeling for a variety of products. Meanwhile, Stephanie worked as a waitress while Helen worked the switchboard for a retail furniture company. However, once the US entered WWII at the end of 1941, both Louis and John eventually joined the war effort. Louis as a skilled mechanic in the Air Force beginning in April of 1942, and John into the Navy beginning in Dec of 1943. Our grandmother Cecilia came of age in 1944 during the final years of the war. She graduated from Amundsen High School and obtained work as a secretary for a publishing company.
Cecilia (right) with her sister Pauline (left) in about 1945. Pauline was a couple years older than Cecilia, and family photos suggest them to have been close.Notes:
0) Early coal worker unionization efforts often grew frustrated with Slavic immigrants because their lack of English skills, and willingness to put up with poor working conditions, made them difficult to organize for change. It should be noted though that first-generation Slavic workers had a very different philosophy regarding work than their American counterparts. While Americans generally had strong Protestant values based on advancing oneself in life through hard work, and pride in the value of their labor, Poles had no such expectations. Many centuries of oppression had shown Slavs that economic advancement was virtually impossible regardless of their efforts. They did not expect to find satisfaction through their work. Rather they sought simply a secure job that would allow them to support their wife and children, and hopefully to own a home of their own one day (Ref 4, p.184).
1) The main evidence for the names of the Adamkiewicz brother's parents are their death records in which names are recorded based on the best remembrance of usually either a grandchild or a child's spouse (ie not the most accurate). The death records of all 3 known sons of Thomas and Mary list Thomas Adamkiewicz as the father, and list the mother's first name as Mary, but gave her maiden name as variations of spelling between Kabala, Kasvale, and Kowale. A better source for the actual last name might be the 1910 census record for Frank's family in Whitney, PA. During this time they had several Austrian-Polish boarders living with them, one of whom was named Andrew Koballa. Given the similarity of the surname, it is likely this was a related family member (it may have actually had only one "L" though, a double "ll" was not common in that language). Alternatively, the surname Kabala appears to be fairly common for this ethnic group.
2) It should be noted that there is also a Stanley Adamkiewicz who immigrated from Austria-Poland in 1906 and settled in New Jersey, but based on the siblings listed in his obituary, he does not appear to be related to this line.
3) I am a bit perplexed about how to interpret some of Frank and Mary's children on the 1910/1920 census records. Unfortunately, given the language deficit and weird word spellings for new Austrian-Polish immigrants, the transcription of facts by census workers, especially for names, leaves a lot to be desired.
For starters, on the 1910 census, Frank's last name was interpreted to be Kovich, with Adam transcribed as a middle name instead (on the 1930 census it was interpreted as Kavich). Also, his oldest child, Josephine was written as Joseph, and assigned the sex of male rather than of female. More surprising is a second child, Kasenia, age 3 months (as of Apr 18, 1910 when it was taken). Kasenia is not mentioned on Mary's 1941 Naturalization Petition (which lists living offspring only), nor is she on the 1920 census, and so I presume she passed before then. There is an age gap on the 1920 census that suggests another child was likely. (According to one of her grandchildren, there were many other miscarriages as well, though there is no way to verify this unfortunately).
What has me most confused though is the 1920 census that lists a Rosie, age 8 F, where Louis, age 8 M, should be (they did have Josephine's name/sex right this time though). Perhaps they called him Louie at the time, but the census worker misheard it as Rosie and so assumed a girl? Tough to say. The other children are correct, though the last name this time is transcribed as Rancovich. Sigh. It took forever to track them down and finally required just reading the census for that area line by line.
4) Though Frank was too old to have to sign up for the draft during WW2, (and not yet a citizen during WW1), his younger brothers, Joseph and George, both did. Neither could sign their name on the enlistment card with more than an X, but both had children that were able to read and write and could vouch for them, thanks to the Whitney school. Census records confirm that Frank was illiterate until later in life as well.
5) George was required to fill out a WWII draft registration card which lists the name and address of Augusta Bakery as his employer. The 1930 census lists him as the proprietor of a grocery store while the 1940 census lists him a being a maintenance worker at a "Wholesale Bakery". Many of his family members seem to have had various positions at the bakery and on the 1940 census, Frank describes himself as being a laborer at a bakery. Although he does not list the bakery by name, it seems to have been a family endeavor, and likely it was the same one. He also lived only a mile and a half west of the bakery, which was located at 901 N Ashland.
6) Uncle George's first wife, Helen, died in Dec of 1928 while they still had two minor children at home. Apparently, his niece Josephine came to Chicago at age 20 to help him with the child-rearing and was promised access to a higher education in exchange. George remarried soon after to a woman named Martha. The exact date of the marriage is unknown, but based on the birth date of his next born child in early 1930, it likely occurred by Apr 1929. Unfortunately, the promised education for Josephine never appeared, and according to her niece, she married to escape the situation at the first chance she got. By then, she had begun to go by the last name of Adams.
Apparently, she returned home to PA for a time in 1931 when she was expecting her first child, William. Her mother Mary was pregnant with her last child, Eugene, at the same time and the two ended up being born only 2 weeks apart! When Frank's family first moved from PA to Chicago 3 years later, they initially lived with Josephine and Sam for a time as well. According to dad, Josephine and Sam ended up quite wealthy eventually due to some land investments they made.
7) According to Frank's niece, by the time the family relocated to Chicago, Frank was already suffering from black lung disease. According to the 1940 census, Frank had been able to work full time in 1939, but was unable to do so by March of 1940.
Studies have shown that the average coal worker's life expectancy was 12.6 years shorter than typical (the average was approximately 64.5 in 1940 for a white US male). For workers who spent 25 years or more in the mines, (Frank spent about 30 years, though not all of this was as a miner specifically) their chance of acquiring pneumoconiosis (black lung disease) was at least 10%. In the past few years, most of the coal workers from this former period of US history have now passed.
8) Louis got married in 1946 to Martha Platek, after which Mary, Francis, Cecilia, and Gene lived on the second floor the house while he and his family lived on the lower floor. Cecilia's niece has many fond memories of her aunt during this time. Cecilia lived at home with her mother until she married in 1956.
Francis ("Frannie") was mentally disabled and did not attend high school, although she did learn to read and write. She lived with the family until the 1970's, after which she lived in a residential facility run by the Catholic Charities of Chicago.
9) According to an interview my sister did with our dad for college in about 1998, Cecilia first started getting sick when he was about 4 or 5. She was in and out of the hospital many times over the next 3 to 4 years, "and then one time she didn't come back." At that time, the family had been living in Bensenville (western Chicago area) since 1960, but returned to Chicago proper the year after she died.
References:
1) Muller, E., & Ronald Carlisle, E. al. (1994). Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania: An Inventory of Historic Engineering and Industrial Sites, pp.82-89. Internet Archive. https://archive.org/details/westmorelandcoun00mull : 2025.
2) William Trotter, J., Jr. (2015). The dynamics of race and ethnicity in the US coal industry. International Review of Social History, 60(S1), 145–164. https://www.cambridge.org/the-dynamics-of-race-and-ethnicity-in-the-us-coal-industry.pdf.
3) Kahle, Trish. “Overview: Coal Mining and Labor Conflict.” Energy History Online. Yale University. 2023. https://energyhistory.yale.edu/coal-mining-and-labor-conflict/ : 2025.6) Parish History : Saint Cecilia Catholic Church & Sacred Heart Catholic Church. (n.d.). Saintcecilia.net. https://saintcecilia.net/History.html : 2025.
7) Notz, W. F. (1918). The world’s coal situation during the war: I. The Journal of Political Economy, 26(6), 567–611. https://doi.org/10.1086/253111.
8) Enman, J. (1963). "The rise and decline of the Connellsville beehive coke region". Proceedings of the Pennsylvania Academy of Science, 37, 229–234. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44112362.